Indigenous actions May 15

platano says on May 15, 2006, 17:20:

Greg, it is a complicated situation... with a history of betrayal by the Colombian nation which has made and broken agreements regularly with the indigenous communities or has made promises and then never delivered. (see points X and XI below)

My wife is there now. She emailed me today that there had been a "bloqueo" of the Panamericana between Cali and Popayan (where we have our house).

She also said today there was a march on "la quinta" in Cali to protest the "free trade" agreement.

A parenthetical note: to all those who say that Colombian social movements "don't have any ideals" I respectfully suggest the positions outlined below are proposals that have the intention of making Colombia more just and equitable, a more democratic society... without resorting to or endorsing violence.

Of course, you may not agree with the proposals below. I would love to hear what your political (not military) solutions are.... "Más bala, más mano dura" is not a nonviolent way to create a nonviolent society.

Here are some of the things being proposed out of our love for Colombia:

I. Suspensión de las importaciones de productos agropecuarios que pueden
producirse en Colombia y restablecimiento de nuestra soberanía alimentaria.

II. Condonación de las deudas y establecimiento de créditos con tasas de
interés subsidiadas para la producción agropecuaria.

III. Fortalecimiento legal y presupuestal del Incora para que pueda iniciar una
verdadera reforma agraria y revitalización de las demás instituciones estatales
agrarias como el ICA.

IV. Reconocimiento del papel de la economía campesina y la pequeña
producción rural y de su espacio, por ejemplo en el caso de la producción
panelera.

V. Eliminación de las fumigaciones de cultivos de coca, amapola y marihuana
y establecimiento de programas alternativos sustentables.

VI. Retorno a sus tierras de los desplazados con plenas garantías, pago de
indemnizaciones y proyectos productivos.

VII. Alto a los asesinatos, las desapariciones, la guerra sucia y el terrorismo de
estado; garantías a la efectiva vigencia de los derechos a la vida, la
organización, la protesta y la contratación laboral colectiva; solución política
negociada del conflicto armado.

VIII. Derecho a la inversión social y productiva del estado sin condicionamientos
obligatorios a la participación en contratos, alianzas o cadenas.

IX. Defensa del patrimonio genético y los recursos naturales de Colombia y del
medio ambiente.

X. Respeto a la inalienabilidad de las tierras colectivas de los pueblos
indígenas y comunidades afrocolombianas, a su integridad cultural y
autonomía y derogatoria del decreto sobre consulta 1320 de 1998.

XI. Cumplimiento de todos los acuerdos de los diferentes gobiernos o
entidades del estado han suscrito con movilizaciones u organizaciones a nivel
local, departamental, regional, sectorial o nacional.

plátano

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juancegomez says on May 18, 2006, 18:55:

platano. One of your most interesting recent posts, if I may say so.

"with a history of betrayal by the Colombian nation which has made and broken agreements regularly with the indigenous communities or has made promises and then never delivered. (see points X and XI below)"

Never completely delivered, but partial delivery of some of the contents of past agreements has actually happened before.

That doesn't mean that they don't a very fair right to protest and demand full compliance, however. Still, there's a difference between protesting and setting things on fire, that I trust you will be able to recognize.

Btw, I don't recall many people saying that social movements (if by that you mean the indigenous) don't have any ideals.

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platano says on May 19, 2006, 23:05:

juancegomez, "...there's a difference between protesting and setting things on fire, that I trust you will be able to recognize." You are correct. I do recognize the difference.

During one of the bloqueos I found myself in Popayan and the Panamericana was blocked by hundreds of people so the bus I was on (to return to my house) returned to Popayan. I called some friends who had two motorcycles. They knew back roads to get around the bloqueo. It was an interesting ride. They rode on one motorcycle and my wife and I on the other. I had not ridden a motorcycle for years but had no problems.

By taking the back roads I got to see how the protestors effected a bloqueo. Not only did they block the Panamericana with masses of people, they also blocked all the other smaller roads. The methods they used included parking a bus across the road, then removing all the wheels, or cutting down large trees that fell across the road effectively blocking it to most motor vehicle traffic. Of course, on a motorcycle it was relatively easy to do some motocross, cross country style, and go around the road blocks.

At one point we came across big trees blocking the road and we stopped to survey both sides to see the best way to go around and continue on our journey. As we were stopped there pondering the situation, some kids ran up to us and seemed very anxious to help us out of our predicament. They informed us that they could remove the trees from the road for only CP$10.000,00 each. I chuckled internally, thinking how these Cauca kids were just as enterprising as the Paisa kids. But we declined their offer and motocrossed around the obstacles. When we got to our house our friends returned to Popayan and we took a shower to wash off all the dust from the cross country ride.
plátano

plátano

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platano says on May 20, 2006, 00:19:

The betrayal of the indigenous communities has a long history The "Federación Campesina e Indígena" was founded inside CTC on Oct. 12, 1942. The betrayal of which I speak goes back at least to 1944 ("ley 100" that extended the part of "ley 200" of 1936) which, in turn, referred back to struggles for land rights that went back to the 20's and 30's.

"La Violencia," which had been growing since 1946, included attacks on organizations representing the interests of rural communities and most of those organizations were destoyed (the exception was FANAL which was founded in 1946 with the support of the Catholic Church together with the support of UTC).

The government of Ospina Perez continued the betrayal by pushing through the "ley 1483" (May 11, 1948) to create the Instituto de Parcelaciones, Defensa Forestal y Colonización which effectively evaded real rural land reform but created the "rural police." Paramilitary attacks on communities in Cauca in 1948 (together with the assassination of Gaitán) led eventually to a response: the creation of las FARC when the attacks continued and led to an attack on Marquetalia in 1964.

As I have said many times before: the paramilitaries provoked the creation of FARC, not the other way around. FARC would not have been created if there had not been the betrayal of land reform and subsequent persecution of rural communities and the betrayal by the government of Ospina Lopez in 1948.

The betrayal of the indigenous communities in Cauca goes back at least six decades. The effects of that betrayal continues today, with new betrayals by the Uribe government, and that is why the protests continue.

plátano

plátano

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platano says on May 20, 2006, 08:23:

el Gobierno faltó a la palabra, los engañó, los atacó Today's newspapers report on the continuing betrayal.
(May 20, 2006)
It is difficult for the Colombian Army to lie its way out of this. The indigenas andan con bastón de madera espiritual EN UNA MARCHA PACIFICA, no con armas de fuego. The Army fired upon unarmed people. They cannot say "no fuimos. Fue una bala perdida." The Colombian Army soldiers were the only ones with bullets. I hope the indigenas achieve the involvement of the UN, The Church, and any other impartial witness to the continuing sixty-plus-years long mistreatment of Colombia's indigenous population, which this week included acts of murder, kidnapping, and disappearances committed by Official Colombia against men, women, and children.

Indígenas anuncian rompimiento de negociaciones con el Gobierno // Jaime Saldarriaga //El País
Los indígenas del Cauca anunciaron la suspensión de todo tipo de diálogos con el Gobierno y demandaron la presencia de las Naciones Unidas, la Conferencia Episcopal Colombiana, el Defensor del Pueblo y la comisiones de derechos humanos del Congreso.

En una resolución del Cabildo Regional Indígena del Cauca (Cric), los nativos denuncian que el Gobierno faltó a la palabra, los engañó, los atacó con armas de guerra, con instrumentos no convencionales e "irrespetando los sitios de atención, los espacios de reunión civil, el centro de comunicaciones, las casas de civiles, atacando niños, mujeres y personal que recibía atención médica".

La resolución habla de varios muertos con impactos de arma de fuego, heridos, indígenas detenidos y algunos desaparecidos, tras el ataque del Ejército el pasado miércoles en la tarde.

La determinación del Cric expresa que la misión internacional humanitaria debe evaluar los daños materiales y morales para la comunidad y comprobar que el resguardo, como propiedad privada, fue violentado por las autoridades.

plátano

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platano says on May 21, 2006, 00:02:

Piden misión de la ONU en movilización
Mayo 21 de 2006
La Comisión de Derechos Humanos del Congreso de la República pidió que una "comisión especial" de la ONU se desplace a la zona del departamento del Cauca donde miles de indígenas y campesinos mantienen una concentración de protesta.

De acuerdo el documento el objetivo es que dicho comité constate y verifique la "grave crisis" humanitaria que se vive en el resguardo La María, centro de la movilización.

La solicitud fue formulada por el presidente de la Comisión de Derechos Humanos del Congreso, Germán Navas, el senador Gerardo Jumí y el representante a la Cámara Alexánder López, tras regresar de una visita al sitio, en donde desde hace una semana se concentran los comuneros.

Más de 12.000 personas, en su mayoría indígenas, están concentradas desde el pasado lunes en La María, para la llamada Cumbre Nacional Itinerante.

Se trata de un movimiento de rechazo al Tratado de Libre Comercio (TLC) con Estados Unidos y a la reelección del presidente Álvaro Uribe, que exige el cumplimiento de acuerdos sobre tierras e indemnizaciones por efectos de grandes obras.

Un bloqueo a la carretera Panamericana el pasado martes dio lugar un día después a choques de los indígenas y campesinos con la fuerza pública, en los que murió una persona y más de 50 resultaron heridas.

El comité del Congreso pidió también el envío de una misión médica para que atienda a los heridos y que allí se abra un "corredor humanitario" que facilite el ingreso y suministro de alimentos.

Las solicitudes fueron formalizadas en mensajes a la directora de la oficina de la Alta Comisionada de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, Carmen Rosa Villa; el procurador general, Edgardo Maya, y el defensor del Pueblo.

plátano

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juancegomez says on May 21, 2006, 12:31:

platano Por el momento me parece que, con la información disponible, el gobierno ha actuado incorrectamente en su represión injustificada de la protesta, y es justo que se pida la intervención de otros organismos tanto nacionales como internacionales.

I must comment on the usual things though.

First, in order for the Ospina government to really "betray" anyone, it must be shown that it had actually intended and agreed to do the opposite, instead of just proceeding with policies that it considered appropiate (even if we consider them horrible, questionable and oligarchic). If Ospina never told that he and his government wouldn't do what they did, then the "betrayal" can't specifically apply to them (that's almost like saying that Hitler betrayed German Communists, when Nazi anti-communism was quite clear and never contradicted).

On the other hand, the indigenous have been betrayed many other times, in the sense that previous agreements have either not been fulfilled or only partially so. Which does constitute a betrayal.

"Paramilitary attacks on communities in Cauca in 1948 (together with the assassination of Gaitán) led eventually to a response: the creation of las FARC when the attacks continued and led to an attack on Marquetalia in 1964."

I heavily question that the statement that repression (I also continue to respectfully disagree with your definition and use of "paramilitary" here) on the Cauca communities had anything to do with the creation of the FARC. Beyond the symbolic or moral level, I mean.

I hold the view that it was military repression (not paramilitarism) in Marquetalia (not Cauca, which was still rather far away) which led to the creation of the FARC.

"As I have said many times before: the paramilitaries provoked the creation of FARC, not the other way around."

Again, as you know, we have differences on this issue, especially about the definitions. If you want to talk about "paramilitarism" in a generic or generalized manner, then so be it.

But modern paramilitarism is directly tied to the guerrilla's increased attacks, kidnappings and extortions between the late 1970s and the early 1980s. As horrible as paramilitarism may be, it doesn't erase that this happened.

Many (not all, evidently) of the current paramilitary leaders only took up arms in order to respond to increasing FARC pressure on their persons, properties or businesses (legal or illegal), not spontaneously or as part of a conspiracy (but there a plan for the seizure of power which, on the other hand, did exist on the FARC's side...see their Strategic Plan and also their VII Conference for an example).

"FARC would not have been created if there had not been the betrayal of land reform and subsequent persecution of rural communities and the betrayal by the government of Ospina Lopez in 1948."

Probably, but when so many changes happened the issue becomes purely rhetoric. Say, FARC probably wouldn't have been created if Gabriel Turbay had been elected president in 1946 either. Or if Rafael Núñez had actually governed instead of leaving a lot of things to Caro and his folks. Or even if the Conservative Party had never lost power. The more things change, the more the resulting future will likely change.

Other than that, there was widespread violence in and after 1948. Not only pro-government violence, but also Liberal and Conservative violence in general, and even generic banditry and local personal vendettas.

"The betrayal of the indigenous communities in Cauca goes back at least six decades."

In the general sense that Colombia and successive administrations have betrayed the indigenous as a whole, I imagine. But the betrayal of specific individuals, on the other hand, can be debated (such as that of Ospina or even "El Monstruo").

"The effects of that betrayal continues today, with new betrayals by the Uribe government, and that is why the protests continue."

In this case there have actually been some specific betrayals (agreements which Uribe hasn't fully complied with), hence I can agree with this.

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platano says on May 27, 2006, 06:48:

La cumbre social se transforma en itinerante y permanente www.onic.org.co
LA CUMBRE SOCIAL SE TRANSFORMA EN ITINERANTE Y PERMANENTE

EN NARIÑO EL PUEBLO AWA SIGUE EN ASAMBLEA PERMANENTE. HOY ONIC PARTICIPA EN LA MISIÓN DE VERIFICACIÓN A NARIÑO.

Debido a la arremetida de la fuerza pública en el departamento de Nariño, con implicaciones nefastas para los campesinos, afro descendientes e indígenas Awá, hoy, llegará una misión de verificación, conformada por la ONIC, la Defensoría del Pueblo, Naciones Unidas y ONGs de Derechos Humanos, entre otras.

Lo que indica que “recorreremos los puntos de concentración del pueblo Awá, como Predio Verde del resguardo el Sábalo corregimiento del Diviso, Municipio de Barbacoa, resguardo el Palmar en el municipio de Ricaurte, en Guayacana, Junín, Taminango - Remolinos, Llorente, Policarpa, y El Charco, donde la población indígena sigue en asamblea permanente”.

Cabe destacar que la misión responde a una serie de atropellos denunciados por sus lideres por parte de la fuerzas pública desde el pasado 16 de mayo, quienes reportan “más de 150 heridos, atendidos en el centro de salud de Remolinos, en la ciudad de Pasto, en Chachagüí y otros centros asistenciales, evidenciándose muchos heridos con arma de fuego, cuatro desaparecidos y el registro de bombardeos de gases de varios tipos por helicópteros de combate Blackhawk”, por esto “es necesario la misión de verificación esta semana y a eso vamos”, ratificó el presidente de la ONIC, Luis Evelis Andrade Casama.

Cabe destacar, que sólo en el departamento de Nariño más de 40 mil colombianos, entre campesinos, afrodescendientes e indígenas se movilizaron pacíficamente por la vía panamericana y resguardos indígenas, Los manifestantes denuncian que fueron obstruidos por la fuerza pública de manera violenta y una vez iniciados los disturbios impidieron la asistencia médica, de comunicaciones y alimentación, entre otros.

ORGANIZACIÓN NACIONAL INDÍGENA DE COLOMBIA

plátano

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